History of Belly Dance Essay Example

History of Belly Dance Essay Belly Dance originated from the Middle East, where it is referred to as Raqs Sharqi. Other alternative names for it are Middle Eastern dance and Arabic dance. Belly dance originated in the royal courtyards of Ottoman Empire and beyond. In the glory days of the empire, it used to be performed by members of a harem, thus having association with eroticism. But in contemporary times, it is more widely performed and has evolved into new innovative styles. The popularization of Belly dance in the West began in the Victorian era and the Romantic Movement in art that flourished at the time. During this time, artists from the Orient brought to Europe idealized and romanticized images of harem life in Arabic Kingdoms. Simultaneously, performing dancers from North Africa and Middle East began to tour across the world and attracted huge fanfare. Popular French authors such as Colette also learnt belly dance and added her own stylistic elements to the dance. From then on, Belly dance slowly became part of mainstream culture across different parts of the world. Today we see variations of it being performed by female entertainers in restaurants and cabarets. We will write a custom essay sample on History of Belly Dance specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on History of Belly Dance specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on History of Belly Dance specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer Even within Middle East and North Africa there are several variations of Belly dance. Even the costume and style vary according to country and culture. While predominantly performed by women, some Belly dance varieties like the can dance were initially performed by men. The Raqs Sharqi is the most popular version which has become very popular now in the West. It is usually performed solo, with the odd improvisation added in. In modern times, even group performances of Raqs Sharqi are organized. A more authentic form of Belly dancing that exists today in its original form is Raqs Baladi. It has elements of Islamic folk dance in it and is not associated with eroticism. Mena and women of all age groups perform this dance during wedding celebrations and other festivities. The most common costume worn for performing Belly dance is the Bedlah. The design and specificities of the Bedlah have undergone lots of changes over time. Moreover, the fantastical harem paintings by artists of the Victorian era have fed new ideas into its design. In contemporary global Belly dance, Western stylistic elements were added in movie productions during Vaudeville, Burlesque and now Hollywood. The Salome dance popularized by American danseuse Maude Allan also fed into the evolution of contemporary Belly dance costume. But very generically, the Bedlah consists of a fitted brassiere (with or without a flowing of beads), a hip hastener and a skirt (also referred to as harem pant). Beyond his basic outfit, other decorations could be added in the form of fringe beads or coins, sequins, embroidery, etc. Thus, Belly dancing has a rich and colorful history. Right from its beginnings in the early modern Kingdoms of Arabia and North Africa, the art form has consequently evolved to reflect local sensibilities and taste. Today, it continues to be a vibrant source of entertainment, especially directed toward adult men. It is still part of folk culture in Egypt, Lebanon, Turkey, etc, while also making inroads into mainstream American and European culture. Works Cited: Coluccia, Pina, Anette Paffrath, and Jean Putz. Belly Dancing: The Sensual Art of Energy and Spirit. Rochester, Vt: Park Street Press, 2005 Hanna, Judith (1988). Dance, Sex and Gender. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-31551-7. Belly Dance originated from the Middle East, where it is referred to as Raqs Sharqi. Other alternative names for it are Middle Eastern dance and Arabic dance. Belly dance originated in the royal courtyards of Ottoman Empire and beyond. In the glory days of the empire, it used to be performed by members of a harem, thus having association with eroticism. But in contemporary times, it is more widely performed and has evolved into new innovative styles. The popularization of Belly dance in the West began in the Victorian era and the Romantic Movement in art that flourished at the time. During this time, artists from the Orient brought to Europe idealized and romanticized images of harem life in Arabic Kingdoms. Simultaneously, performing dancers from North Africa and Middle East began to tour across the world and attracted huge fanfare. Popular French authors such as Colette also learnt belly dance and added her own stylistic elements to the dance. From then on.

The Enduring Chill essays

The Enduring Chill essays In the short story The Enduring Chill by Flannery OConnor there is a very strong relationship between mother and son. Asbury, the son, is a college student who constantly comes home to see his mother because he is not feeling well. The protagonist, Asbury Fox, is obviously at absolute dependence to his mother. He is maternally dependant and has no sense of self. A reason this might be is because of the absence of his father. He is an angry teen that is bottled up, trying to grow up, yet is still very depending on his mother. Not having that fatherly figure in his life has made him angry towards the world. Subconsciously his mother is his protector from the outside world. The mother is very concerned for her son, but she knows he does these things for her attention indirectly. Mrs. Fox wants to help Asbury but he does not want the help of his mother, he would rather feel sorry for himself. Asbury gets himself so worked up; he makes himself sick and tells people he is going to die. The relationship between mother and son is clear. They are closer then they both realize. They thrive on each other to live, the son more then the mother. ...

Ocean Acidification Definition

Ocean Acidification Definition The oceans have reduced the effects of global warming for thousands of years by absorbing carbon dioxide. Now the basic chemistry of the oceans is changing because of our activities, with devastating consequences for marine life. What Causes Ocean Acidification? Its no secret that global warming is a major issue. A main cause of global warming is our release of carbon dioxide, primarily through the burning of fossil fuels and the burning of vegetation. Over time, the oceans have helped this problem by absorbing excess carbon dioxide. According to NOAA, the oceans have absorbed nearly half of the fossil fuel emissions weve generated over the past 200 years. As the carbon dioxide is absorbed, it reacts with the ocean water to form carbonic acid. This process is called ocean acidification. Over time, this acid causes the pH of the oceans to decrease, making ocean water more acidic. This can have drastic consequences on corals and other marine life, with cascading impacts on the fishing and tourism industries. More About pH and Ocean Acidification The term pH is a measure of acidity. If youve ever had an aquarium, you know that pH is important, and pH needs to be adjusted to optimal levels for your fish to thrive. The ocean has an optimal pH, too. As the ocean becomes more acidic, it becomes more difficult for corals and organisms to build skeletons and shells using calcium carbonate. In addition, the process of acidosis, or buildup of carbonic acid in body fluids, may affect fish and other marine life by compromising their ability to reproduce, breathe and fight diseases. How Bad is the Ocean Acidification Problem? On a pH scale, 7 is neutral, with 0 the most acidic and 14 the most basic. The historical pH of sea water is about 8.16, leaning on the basic side of the scale.The pH of our oceans has fallen to 8.05 since the beginning of the Industrial Revolution. While this may not seem like a big deal, this is a change greater in magnitude than any time in the 650,000 years before the Industrial Revolution. The pH scale is also logarithmic, so that slight change in pH results in a 30 percent increase in acidity. Another problem is that once the oceans get their fill of carbon dioxide, scientists think the oceans could become a carbon dioxide source, rather than a sink. This means the ocean will contribute to the global warming problem by adding more carbon dioxide to the atmosphere. Effects of Ocean Acidification on Marine Life The effects of ocean acidification can be dramatic and far-reaching, and will affect animals such as fish, shellfish, corals, and plankton. Animals such as clams, oysters, scallops, urchins and corals that rely on calcium carbonate to build shells will have a difficult time building them, and protecting themselves as the shells will be weaker. In addition to having weaker shells, mussels will also have a reduced ability to grip  as the increased acid weakens their byssal threads. Fish will also need to adapt to the changing pH and work harder to remove acid out of its blood, which can impact other behaviors, such as reproduction, growth and food digestion. On the other hand, some animals such as lobsters and crabs may adapt well as their shells become stronger in more acidic water. Many of the possible effects of ocean acidification are unknown or still being studied. What Can We Do About Ocean Acidification? Lowering our emissions will help the ocean acidification problem, even if that just slows the impacts long enough to give species time to adapt. Read the Top 10 Things You Can Do to Reduce Global Warming for ideas on how you can help. Scientists have acted swiftly on this issue. The response has included the Monaco Declaration,  in which 155 scientists from 26 countries declared in January 2009 that: Ocean acidification is accelerating and severe damages are imminent;Ocean acidification will have broad socioeconomic impacts, affecting marine food webs, causing substantial changes in commercial fish stocks and threatening food security for millions of people;Ocean acidification is rapid, but recovery is slow;Ocean acidification can be controlled only by limiting future atmospheric carbon dioxide levels. The scientists called for intense efforts to research the problem, evaluate its impacts and cut emissions drastically to help curb the problem. Sources: Fabry, V.J., Seibel, B.A., Feely, R.A. and J.C. Orr. 2008. . Impacts of ocean acidification on marine fauna and ecosystem processes. ICES Journalof Marine Science, 65: 414–432.Feely, R.A., Sabine, C.L, and V.J. Fabry. 2006. Carbon Dioxide and Our Ocean Legacy. (Online) NOAA Pacific Marine Environmental Laboratory Science Brief. Accessed March 7, 2009.McAuliffe, K. 2008. Ocean Acidification: A Global Case of Osteoporosis. (Online) Discover. Accessed March 7, 2009.Monaco Declaration. 2008. Monaco Declaration on Oceans. Accessed July 21, 2015.Smithsonian Ocean Portal. Ocean Acidification.  Accessed July 21, 2015.

Executive Briefing Paper Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Executive Briefing Paper - Essay Example Mentorship is not new to Burberry, although its experience is largely external, philanthropic, and along the line of corporate social responsibility. Presently, the Company is a corporate sponsor of IntoUniversity, a charity organisation dedicated to educating the youth through mentoring. Through its local learning centres, some of Burberry’s employees and managers are already dedicating time and effort as volunteers mentors and e-mentors, to Britain’s poor but deserving ‘young people [who] are inspired to learn’ (IntoUniversity, 2010). In 2011 alone, Burberry associates volunteered 5,500 hours of mentoring. For one particular Burberry associate, more than 200 young students were mentored globally in programmes ranging from three months to three years (Burberry Annual Report 2011/12, p. 64). Recent studies have highlighted the use of internal mentoring, as a technique to improve performance and enhance competitiveness. It is believed that by adopting intern al mentoring, the firm will benefit competitively. II. Proposition This paper proposes that Burberry engage in internal mentoring throughout the organisation until the highest levels, in order to enhance its competitiveness. Mentoring is seen as a tool not only for implementing social development programs external to the firm, but is also perceived as an effective instrument in pursuing the company’s strategic goal of remaining competitive. The viability of mentoring in Burberry will be discussed. III. Theoretical background Mentoring is ‘an intense and complex relationship where the mentor plays the role of peer and parent’ and functions as ‘teacher, advisor, sponsor, and friend’ (Ehrich & Hansford, 1999, p.93). Academic literature states that mentoring improves individual behaviour and performance, particularly in the training and encouragement of the young. However, the impact of mentoring on firm behaviour and outcomes has not been established, p articularly in the highest policy levels. Offstein, Shah and Gnyawali (2011) propose a model whereby the board of directors (BOD) mentors the chief executive officer (CEO), for the purpose of improving the CEO’s ability and motivation to ‘competitively engage the firm’ (p. 75). In the diagram that follows, the mentoring role of the BOD is depicted in terms of sponsorship, protection, and coaching or counselling. By providing legitimacy, a proper sense of discretion and risk-taking, and knowledge and learning, the mentoring exercise is expected to lead towards a greater firm competitiveness. Competitive behaviour is defined by their magnitude and complexity. Source: Offstein, Shah and Gnyawali, 2011, p. 80 According to the theory by Offstein, et al. (2011), competitive actions are ‘purposefully directed, specific, and observable.’ The model adheres to the principle that companies that undertake bold and complex competitive actions benefit as a result, because such actions disturb the status quo and establish new rules by which the competitive stage is reset. According to Schumpeter (1934) in his seminal study, first mover advantage (i.e., the advantage of being the first firm to undertake an innovation that defines a new competitive environment) generates abnormally high profits, until such time as other firms catch up and themselves pursue innovative actions in an effort to overcome the market leader. From the executive levels, mentoring by CEO to his division heads, and from them to the

Social Studies Thematic Curriculum Design and Assessment Assignment

Social Studies Thematic Curriculum Design and Assessment - Assignment Example Therefore, it is essentially important to use a blend of resources including field trip to the environmental conservation agencies to help in gaining the real picture of what is actually taking place on the ground. At the same time, is also important to make a good use of resource persons in the teaching of this topic (United Nations Environment Programme and New Energy Finance Ltd., 2007). Last, but by no means the least, it is important to understand that every teaching and learning process ends with evaluation. So, a combination of formative and summative evaluations is carried out. When doing this, a combination of lower level, middle level and the higher level cognitive questions will be used. This will be of a great help in gauging the extent to which the lesson objectives are achieved. United Nations Environment Programme and New Energy Finance Ltd. (2007). Global Trends in Sustainable Energy Investment 2007: Analysis of Trends and Issues in the Financing of Renewable Energy and Energy Efficiency in OECD and Developing

Cultural Issues in National Problems Essay Example for Free

Cultural Issues in National Problems Essay * Based on your study on this module of cultural theories, international business ethics and the practice of managing across cultures, and assuming the role of a business consultant specialising in cross-cultural issues, write a cultural briefing for the Human Resources department of a real international business. Your briefing should cover a range of cultural issues, including the creation of cross-cultural teams, training employees for expatriate assignments, national negotiating styles and training employees for the challenges of cross-cultural management. This assignment may take the format of a report or a more creatively designed briefing document. Creation of cross-cultural teams Train employees for challenges of cross-cultural management National negotiating style The Chinese Negotiation http://www.globalnegotiationbook.com/John-Graham-research/negotiation-v1.pdf Negotiating in China: 10 rules for success http://www.forbes.com/sites/jackperkowski/2011/03/28/negotiating-in-china-10-rules-for-success/ pp. 163 note However, china is also a difficult and risky market for western business communities to operate in. the surprises, disappointment, and frustration on the part of western business people are not strange. China is a special challenge: it is the world’s largest emerging market, largest communist bureaucracy and oldest culture. These unique features make china a unique case in international business that calls for special academic and managerial attention. Now that china has reached and agreement with the European union and United States of America about its membership in the world trade organization (WTO), the importance of china as a trade partner is going to increase further. Question: * What are the meaningful stages of the Sino-western business negotiation process? * What are the main contentious issues in the formal negotiation sessions? * How can we understand chinese negotiating style observed in various stages from the chinese culture point of view? Ping-Pong model 1, pre-negotiation (lobbing, presentation, informal discussion, and trust building) 2, formal negotiation (task-related exchange of information, persuasion, concession and agreement) 3, post-negotiation (implementation and new rounds of negotiations) The Chinese show keen interests in getting to know the other party during these initial contacts. They try to ascertain whether or not the foreign firm has (1) the most advanced technology required for the project; (2) the willingness to sell or transfer it to the Chinese side by way of, for example, joint venture; and (3) the capacity of delivering the products on time. As one chinese negotiators explained: â€Å"our intention is to import the most advanced technology and to cooperate with large, world-famous foreign companies, because the life cycle of a technology is short. We pay even more attention to the supplier’s houjing(reserve strength) for continuous technological development lobbying: lobbing before the chinese government authorities is one of the most important marketing activities facing foreign firms that want to sell large industrial projects in chinese key industries like telecommunications. Foreign firms must convince the chinese that they have cutting-edge technologies that suit chinese government’s priorities, that they have long-term commitment to the chinese market, and that they are financially strong. They must present a highly reliable image before the chinese, making them feel safe to do business with them. The chinese said that they liked to do business with â€Å"big mountain† like Ericesson that they could trust and rely on in the long term. Presentation: giving attractive and reliable presentations to let potential chinese partners know the company, products and negotiating team members, is an important step toward formal negotiation sessions. Presentations aim to convince the chinese of the sincerity of the company in doing business ith china and show the chinese that the company’s products are and advanced technology with high quality and reasonable price. Foreign firms need to present themselves and their technologies to number of authorities. Very often one has to endlessly repeat the same things to different negotiators who may suddenly, without explanation, be replaced by another team. From chinese point of view, it is done to check the reliability and firmness of the supplier. Informal discussion: initial and informal discussions with chinese organizations often occur directly after the presentations Trust building: the chinese attach great importance to trust building in business negotiations. Formal negotiation * Equity share * Contribution of each party * Management control * Technology * Price * Persuasion * Concessions and agreement Post-negotiation * Managerial implications * Priority * Patience * People the PRC condition (guoqing) is a contemporary social and institutional factor influencing the PRC Introduction Hotel Chocolat is a famous luxury chocolate producer in the UK. It has 55 stores in the UK and 5 stores in the USA and the Europe. (Hotel Chocolat, 2012) The mainly product series are Giant Slabs, Selectors, Sleekster Selections, Liquid Chocolat, The Purist and Coco Juvenate Beauty Range. (Hotel Chocolat, 2012) Hotel Chocolat insists a high quality strategy so that their products are in luxury level, which attracting consumers come back again and again. Now Hotel Chocolat plan to expand the business and brand perception, managers think about enter Chinese market. In China, middle class improving their purchasing power in recent years, within urban residents has more disposable income (Farrell D, 2006). If manager decide to enter China market, human resource management (HRM) department needs to prepare three points, firstly is create cross-cultural team with Chinese employees, secondly is train the British employees for challenge of cross-cultural management, thirdly is negotiating st yle with Chinese. Creation of cross-cultural team and the challenges of cross-cultural management Cross-cultural team is necessary. Nowadays, the globe business activities are an important part of the worldwide economy. Many of different nationality works in one company or even in one group. In this case, Hotel Chocolat will be suggested to build a cross-cultural team within Chinese employees. This program can avoid some potential risk in Chinese market. Here will point out three directions. 1. Language In business group need to keep will communication to reduce the cost of information. Hotel Chocolat is British company so that the English is mainly language. But Chinese employee’s native language is mandarin and Cantonese, which make conversation maybe difficult. Fortunately, Chinese education department push English language teaching from primary school to college. Nowadays, the world’s most populous nation will become the world’s largest English-speaking country, account about two billion people are learning or have learned English (Clifford. C, 2009). Firstly, English level is an important testing standard when manager selects Chinese employees. Secondly, English employ which will work in China suggest to learn basic daily Mandarin. Of course, if possible, Hotel Chocolat should better choose the people who interested in China. 2. Build Virtual Team In the beginning, Hotel Chocolat should build a quickly communication tunnel between the UK and China department. For a high efficiency, Hotel Chocolat has to build Virtual Team. Virtual Team is basic on advanced information technology to link the geographical dispersion essential employees. It also downsizes the department in China and improves productivity.(Townsend, A, M., and Demarie, M, S and Hendrickson R, A., 2003) Why build a Virtual Team? Here point five factors: (Bettis, R and Hitt, M., 1995) * The flat organizational structure is becoming a good solution to increasing speed to communicate. * The competition and cooperation will be easy in globe economy environment. * Changes in workers expectation of organizational participation. * Adjustment the production of knowledge work environments. * Make trade and corporate activity easily. First of all, to build virtual team needs to pay attention to define the team’s function and organizational roles, build the technical systems to exchange the information. Define the team’s function and organizational roles are the most important thing. The UK and China have seven (DST.) or eight (GMT.) times difference, it make the working time harder. The manager in China who leads the virtual team should clear expectations about team’s performance and criteria. Because of the virtual team’s geographical dispersion, the manager can define the detail of daily report, working schedules and emergency solution. As a new market competitor, Hotel Chocolat will face many difficult, so the virtual team members in both side, the UK and China, have responds to meet online in a short time. In the same time, the virtual team in China needs to have individual ability to control and solve problems. A well communication system in virtual team is a strong support. The technical system should be designed basic on efficiency. One of the reasons is the virtual team members are in different place so that they cannot face to face. If people cannot face to face meeting, some serious and complicated issues will not solve well. In tradition way, the tools have online meeting (Skype), file upload and download (email). If possible, the technical system can use wide-angle camera to build a multiplayer video session, in the meantime, virtual team members can use â€Å"cloud system† to modify the same file in different place together. Within modern technical system, the virtual team becomes more reality and efficient. National negotiating styles When a company enters new market, an excellent negotiating skill will make their process more successfully. In business activities, communication is the key of make a good deal. Within a group of well training negotiating employees, the new market risks, not only China market, will be reduced. As the human resource department, they should make a plan to lead the negotiators’ mind set. Therefore, the â€Å" Ping-Pong† Model (Fang, 1999) is a good choice. (Fang, 1999) The â€Å"Ping-Pong† model is based on the international business negotiating style and Chinese business negotiating style (Fang, 1999; Frankenstein, 1986; Ghauri and Usunier, 1996; Graham and Lin 1987), fang tries to build a bridge between China and the world. In the â€Å"Ping-Pong† Model, there are two major parts. One is the stage of the Sino-Western business Negotiation process and the other one is the dimension of Chinese business culture. In 1996, Ghauri make a structure of the international negotiating style process. He divides the total negotiation into three parts: 1, Pre-Negotiation 2, Formal-Negotiation 3, Post-Negotiation And also Fang realized that in Chinese cultural situation, he also define three main thing: 1, The PRC Condition 2, Confucianism 3, Chinese stratagems Combine these two things, international negotiating style process and Chinese cultural situation, the â€Å"Ping-Pong† Model produced. Next part, it will analyze six factors of â€Å"Ping-Pong† Model. Pre-Negotiation It includes four processes, lobbing, presentation, informal discussion and trust building. In the beginning is lobbing, in China market the government is a powerful force to the market. So it is necessary to have a good conversation with government. Presentation and informal discussion is the base of trust building. In public ways, presentation can show company’s abilities to the company, in other ways, Informal discussion enhance mutual understanding between company and its potential partners. Formal Negotiation In formal negotiation stage, five major contentious issues needs to serious consideration: equity share, contribution of each party, management control, technology and price. For Hotel Chocolat, technology is the top secret so that the human resource department should focus on this part. Post-Negotiation After formal negotiation, the team should be prepared for Chinese trick. One Swedish negotiator recall that (Ghauri P. and Fang T. 2001) Chinese negotiator always take the old issue whatever and whenever, but these situation would not happened in European, Middle Eastern and African countries. Hotel Chocolat website, (2012), Store http://www.hotelchocolat.co.uk/Chocolate-Store-Locations-Achocolatestore/ (accessed: 8th Oct 2012). Hotel Chocolat website, (2012), Products http://www.hotelchocolat.co.uk/chocolates-CHC_PRODUCT/ (accessed: 8th Oct 2012). Farrell, D., Gersch, U. and Stephenson, E. (2006), The value of China’s emerging middle class, McKinsey Quarterly, pp69-69. Clifford Coonan, (2009) The largest English-speaking country? China, of course, The Irish Times, 6 June, available at: http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/weekend/2009/0620/1224249169396.html (accessed at 9th Oct 2012). Townsend, A.M., DeMarie, S.M., Hendrickson, A.R. (2003) ‘Virtual teams’ In Thomas, D.C. (ed) Reading and Cases in International Management: A Cross-cultural Perspective. London: SAGE, pp.269-281. Bettis, R. and Hitt, M. (1995) â€Å"The new competitive landscape†, Strategic management journal 16(S1), pp,7-19. Fang, T. (1999) â€Å"Chinese business negotiating style. Sage: Thousand Oaks, CA. Frankenstein, J. (1986). Trend in Chinese business practice: Change in the Beijing wind. California Management Review, 29(1): 148-160. Ghauri, P. N. and Usunier J. –C. (1996) International Business Negotiations. Oxford: Pergamon. Graham, J. L. and Lin, C. –Y. (1987) A comparison of marketing negotiations in the Republic of China (Taiwan) and the United States. In Cavusgil, T. (ed. Advanced in international marketing (Vol. 2, pp. 23-46). Greenwich, CT: JAI Press. Ghauri P. and Fang T. (2001), Negotiating With the Chinese, Journal of World Business Vol. 36, pp. 303-325.

Personal Narrative- Staying Young Forever :: Personal Narrative Essays

Personal Narrative- Staying Young Forever It all begins with the famous phrase, "What do you want to be when you grow up?" As children, we think the words "growing up" mean becoming like mom and dad. It means having a job, being able to cook dinner, and knowing how to pay bills. We are too young to understand the real concept behind those two dreadful words. If only someone had told me the truth, I could have prepared for the shock. I hate growing up, and getting older really stinks! The phases of growing up are like a date gone wrong. They start off real nice and eventually smack you in the face. I remember back in kindergarten when there used to be nap time. Oh how I took it for granted! I'm not even sure if I know what the word "sleep" means now. And if school couldn't get more difficult over the years, someone came along and decided we needed to learn languages other than English. As if my English wasn't bad enough, now I have to learn how to speak in gibberish. Growing up causes the "unthinkable" to happen. When I was little, I really should have taken advantage of pure skin, no wrinkles, and the phrase "eat your vegetables." Now, I have to use Clearasil, undereye cream, and drink Slim-Fast! What could possibly be good about becoming old, fat, ugly, and bald? I used to have energy, but now I have to drink caffeine to wake myself up. It used to be that when I went to get my hair cut, my stylist would say, "Look how shiny and thick your hair is." Now I hear, "Okay, what should we try today to give your hair some volume?" Not to mention that we women have the privilege of losing our figures, becoming less attractive, and receiving lumps of cellulite in our backside. That's when we must say, "Goodbye bikinis!" Growing up brings more responsibilities. It used to be that my mom would come in my room every morning and say, "Time to get up!" Now I wake up to the annoying sound of my alarm clock going "beep, beep," and my mom in the next room sawing logs. Just when I thought this was bad, it never occurred to me that at the age of twelve I would eventually have to get something called a "job".

A Summary of Labor Economic Terms

No society can exist without work activities. People must work to earn for their living.   They work to sustain their basic needs, to have food, shelter and clothing. These actual and potential workers in the population of the industrial society constitute the labor force.Labor has been commodity in the society as various factories were established. Population of workers is greater than the available jobs. This caused injustices and abuse which eventually formed labor unions holding protests for their rights.United States, pursuing capitalism with democratic type of government, addressed these issues by establishing the Department of Labor. This government agency protects the workers’ welfare and helps to improve their working condition and to have conducive working environment.   They regularized wages and imposed additional proper benefits for the security of workers.Minimum wage is the basic amount paid for the service rendered by the employee or worker. It could be rat ed per hour, per day with eight hours period of work, per week or per month. In July 24th, 2007 under Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA), the federal minimum wage is $5.85 per hour for covered nonexempt employees.Mostly, every state has own minimum wage law. The employees subjected to both state and federal minimum wage laws are entitled to receive amount which is higher.Fringe benefits come when there will either be commissions or promised wages. This is not covered under the FLSA.Some employer who do not properly pay wages according to the laws have to pay employees with right amount calculated from the difference between what the employee received and what should be he/she must receive. This is called back pay. If employer resists on paying these amount, they will be subjected to law suit and will be paying higher amount including other damages, attorney’s fee and court costs.Some employers motivate their workers by paying additional amount. Selling and production workers com monly receive it. It is termed as sales commission. It serves as incentives for increase in sales or production of manufactured goods. Other employers give commission as additional salary or replacement of the salary.Employers can hold money from employees’ earning as required by court. Wage garnishment is a legal procedure that is done to pay employees’ debt. Common case of garnishment is the case on child support.  Workers are protected from being dismissed at their current employment. Under Title III of the Consumer Credit Protection Act (CCPA), employee can not be discharge or fired out of work due to garnishment even though there were numbers of levies or proceedings needed to collect debts. Also, there will be limits on the amount of employees' earnings to be garnished. This is to ensure that the employee can still sustain his/her basic needs.Earnings subjected to garnishment are wages, salaries, commissions, bonuses, and income from a pension or retirement pro gram. Tips are not included for garnishment.The government needed contractors to build road, buildings, public schools, public transportation and other government-owned facilities. The contractors needed to employ people for this government project.   Employment Standards Administration's Wage & Hour Division of Department of Labor enforced wage requirements for government contracts. There were several laws on wage requirements.One is the Davis-Bacon and Related Acts (DBRA). Laborers and mechanics hired to work for federal and federally-assisted construction projects should be paid prevailing wages.Another law is the McNamara-O'Hara Service Contract Act. Contractual service employees working with the federal government should be paid with prevailing wage rates and fringe benefits.

History of international systems Essay

On 5 October 1954 representatives of the United States, Britain, Italy, and Yugoslavia signed Trieste settlement in London. According to its terms military government was to stop in the two zones of the FTT, and Italy and Yugoslavia would presume governing authority on their respective sides of the new frontier. The agreement was approved promptly by the governments concerned and came into effect a few weeks later. Captivatingly, the Soviet Union accepted the Trieste settlement without dissent. The American embassy in Moscow accredited this reaction to the Kremlin’s â€Å"wish not to take sides in [the] matter or endanger its current efforts to regularize relations with Yugosalvia.† The issue also no longer held worth as a source of anti-Western propaganda once an Italo-Yugoslav agreement had been protected. As there were no other potential objectors of any implication, realization of the agreement proceeded smoothly. Though the departure of the Anglo-American garrison on 26 October 1954 ended almost a decade of direct United States contribution in Trieste. For various reasons, including bad weather and rumors of a plot to eliminate General Winterton, the formal ceremony to hand over authority from AMG to the Italians did not take place as planned. Winterton did, however, issue a public declaration on the morning of 26 October declaring that â€Å"the Allied Military government of the British and United States Zone of the Free Territory of Trieste is hereby finished.† In the afternoon thousands of Triestines crowded into Piazza Unità   in pouring rain and a howling bora (the notorious Triestine gale) to see the Italian tricolor once again rose over their city. As far as American policymakers were concerned, the Trieste disagreement had been decisively resolved. In terms of international law the settlement was in fact â€Å"provisional† in that a permanent, formal taking apart the FTT would have forced revision of the Italian peace treaty — an act needing the consent of all the signatory nations to that document. As a real solution, however, the London agreement was final as both the Italian and Yugoslav governments renowned it as a practical — if not ideal — cooperate and they wanted it to endure. The two Western powers helped make certain the effective decisiveness of the memorandum of understanding by making obvious they would support neither Italian nor Yugoslav claims to the territory now in the other’s sovereignty (Conrad Allison Alan. 1956). In the wake of a brief diplomatic erupt of the dispute in 1974, Italy and Yugoslavia ultimately decided to celebrate the provisional solution by concluding the alleged Osimo accords of 10 November 1975. These agreements meant that Italy given up its claims to Zone B while Yugoslavia officially recognized that Trieste was Italian territory. There were also prerequisites for protection of national minorities and for local economic collaboration between Italy and Yugoslavia. The two governments accordingly advised the United Nations Security Council, the United States and Great Britain that â€Å"the 1954 London Memorandum which recognized the situation prior to the present agreement is now void.† After more than two decades the â€Å"provisional† de facto settlement which had been so cautiously engineered in 1954 had lastly given rise to a permanent de jure elucidation of the Italo-Yugoslav boundary dispute. It is extremely unlikely that the Trieste question will be reopened in the predictable future. Though, throughout its history Trieste has shared the fortunes of a larger area known as the Julian Region, which has been of long-standing meaning in European political geography. For two thousand years this area at the head of the Adriatic was a strategic thoroughfare or frontier zone where the clash of competitor expansionist forces caused numerous changes in sovereignty. Since the nineteenth century it has also been the setting for a conflict between opposing national and political ideologies which would close in the struggle for Trieste and close by territories after World War II. One significance of these rivalries and shifting sovereignties has been that the area in question — now alienated between Italy and Yugoslavia — is difficult to define. Italians came to call this region Venezia Giulia (Julian Venetia), while Croats and Slovenes adopted the term Julijska Krajina (the Julian March) to portray an almost equivalent territory. In English, the area became known as the Julian Region. Physically, the Julian Region comprises a natural doorway between the Italian plain of the Po Valley and the Danubian Basin, in large part as of the excellent mountain passes found at the meeting point of the Julian Alps and the Dinaric Range. Its shores mark the point where the Adriatic reaches on the way to the landlocked states of Central Europe, and the Gulfs of Trieste and Fiume (Rijeka) on the two sides of the Istrian peninsula represent the most suitable northern outlets to that sea. In effect, the area is a natural crossroads between the Italian peninsula, the Balkans, and Central Europe. The strategic and economic allegations of this geographical setting prompted frequent conflict amongst nearby states for its control. The character of the Julian Region as a â€Å"zone of strain† was further resistant by the fact that it was one of the few points of direct contact between all three of Europe’s major ethnic groupings: Latins, Slavs, and Germans. It is barely surprising that all through history this area has been directly affected by the broader power struggles in the lands around it. The strategic and economic implication of the Julian Region was obvious as early as Roman times. After conquering the Illyro-Celtic peoples who initially inhabited this area, the Romans used the Julian Region as a major military and commercial thoroughfare. While the Roman Empire falls apart the area became a chronic battlefield and an open corridor into Italy for successive waves of invaders: Byzantines in 394; Goths in 400; Huns in 454; Ostrogoths in 488; and Lombards and Avars in 568 (Heim Keith Merle, 1973). By 811 the whole Julian Region had been integrated into the Carolingian Empire but was soon broken up into diverse feudal holdings whose rulers continuously intrigued against each other. After the tenth century the region became the focal point of a broader rivalry between the determined Venetian Republic and the rising Habsburg Empire. The two powers clashed continually in the area until the eighteenth century, when the Habsburgs finally dislodged the Venetians from their last footholds on the western Istrian coast. Excepting a brief break under French rule throughout the Napoleonic era, the Julian Region remained under Habsburg control until the First World War. In case of Yugoslavia, A secret British initiative in early 1941 provoked the first broader international contemplation of postwar revision of the Italo-Yagoslav boundary. At a time when Britain’s wartime situation was at its lowest ebb, Prime Minister Winston Churchill became persuaded that Hitler was preparing an advance into the Balkans. The British began considering diverse expedients to harden local resistance to German penetration, hoping particularly to persuade the Yugoslavs and Turks to enter the war. In the case of Yugoslavia, one measure was to promise postwar territorial compensations in the Julian Region. In January 1941 the Yugoslav minister in Moscow, Milan Gavrilović, suggested that â€Å"it might assist the Yugoslav government to strengthen their own position, and through them that of their neighbors against the Germans,† if Britain were to hold up Yugoslav claims in the Julian Region. Officials in the British Foreign Office noted that the proposal spanked of â€Å"bribery† and was reminiscent of the 1915 Pact of London but, in order â€Å"to be armed at all points,† they requested Arnold Toynbee’s Foreign Research and Press Service to study the Yugoslav case for frontier rectifications. A report was appropriately produced in early February concluding that Yugoslavia had sound claims on racial grounds to most of Istria and the Italian islands off Dalmatia, but not to the cities of Trieste, Gorizia (Gorica), Rijeka, and Zadar (Zara). The Foreign Office only desired cabinet approval â€Å"to hold out this bait to the Yugoslavs.† But the British war cabinet showed little interest while the subject was raised, and there the matter might have rested. Only days later the Yugoslav stance became more vital when the war cabinet decided on 24 February to send British forces to Greece. The Foreign Office now recommended that, in spite of the British policy of not discussing territorial changes during the war, â€Å"the verdict of the Yugoslav Government at the present juncture is of such importance that it would be valuable to disregard this rule on this occasion if by doing so we could persuade Yugoslavia to mediate forcibly on behalf of Greece† (Lees Lorraine Mary, 1976).   The cabinet concurred. At the time Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden was meeting with the Yugoslav government. The cabinet informed him that if he thought it â€Å"necessary or useful† he could indicate that â€Å"his Majesty’s Government are studying with consideration the case for revisions of the Italo-Yugoslav frontier which they are disposed to think could be recognized and advocated by them at the Peace Conference.† Notwithstanding the importance placed on Yugoslav support, the cabinet specified that British policy on the matter must not move beyond this vague formula, which did not entrust Britain to a precise frontier line. British representatives in fact mentioned the territorial issue to the Yugoslavs, but the entire question became irrelevant in April while Italy and Germany invaded Yugoslavia (Kay Robin., 1967). Though inconclusive, the British initiative initiated the pattern according to which Allied policy on the Italo-Yugoslav boundary issue would open out throughout the war. The British had intentionally limited themselves to a vague proposal for approving consideration of Yugoslav claims in the Julian Region and were cautious not to suggest a specific location for an ethnic state line. While eager to tack somewhat, they did not believe the issue justified a major deviation from the policy of not committing themselves on postwar boundaries. In 1941 British interest in Italo-Yugoslav frontier rectifications was based on immediate military expediency. It was of a piece with historian Elisabeth Barker’s general account of British wartime policies in southeastern Europe as â€Å"a story of last-minute inventiveness and the undertaking of commitments without the resources to fulfill them. Policies, if that is the right word for them, were mainly dictated by negative outside factors.† (Black Gregory Dale, 1973) Insofar as Allied policies impinged on the Italo-Yugoslav fight for the Julian Region during World War II, their influence would usually remain indirect, a reverberation of broader military and political ideas of the different Allied nations. This early British incursion into the boundary dispute also prefigured later Anglo-American disagreements on military and political goals in southeastern Europe. Rumors of â€Å"secret agreements† on the Julian Region prompted concern amongst American policymakers, who were supporting an even more accurate policy of no political or territorial settlements throughout the war — partly because of experiences during World War I with secret accords such as the Pact of London. In July 1941 President Franklin D. Roosevelt queried Churchill about â€Å"the stupid story that you promised Trieste to Yugoslavia.† Recalling that in 1919 there were severe problems â€Å"over actual and alleged promises to the Italians and others,† Roosevelt asked Churchill to think stating publicly â€Å"that no post-war peace commitments as to territories, populations or economies have been given.† (Modisett Lawrence, 1981). At the Atlantic Charter discussions in August, Sir Alexander Cadogan, the British permanent in secretary of state for foreign affairs, assured Sumner Welles, the American under secretary of state, that Britain had made no such obligations, with the possible exception of an oral declaration to the Yugoslav government that at war’s end â€Å"the subject of jurisdiction over Istria was a matter which might well come up for reassessment!† Cadogan added that this statement noticeably did not constitute â€Å"a firm commitment† and that Trieste or Gorizia had not been mentioned. â€Å"Heartened† by this assurance, Welles underlined that the United States wished to evade repeating the problems caused in World War I while secret accords concerning Great Britain were disclosed. The British did not officially disavow secret treaties but Washington’s distress about their territorial agreements, which had been sparked by the â€Å"secret agreements† with Yugoslavia, was somewhat allayed by the signature on 14 August 1941 of the Atlantic Charter. The first two points of that document affirmed that neither Great Britain nor the United States sought â€Å"aggrandizement, territorial or other† and that both countries wished â€Å"to see no territorial changes that do not pact with the generously expressed wishes of the peoples concerned.† (Samuel Rosenman, 314). Despite this assertion of Anglo-American unity, the chance appearance of the Julian issue had already evinced differences in the two nations’ fidelity to a method of no wartime agreements on politico territorial questions. British interests in southeastern Europe would guide to further wartime disagreements with the United States on such matters. The withdrawal of American troops from Trieste in October 1954 marked the conclusion of nearly a decade of American participation together with Great Britain in the â€Å"temporary† management of the disputed city. Throughout that period the United States became the foremost partner in the occupation and provided the lion’s share of the funds needed to maintain AMG operations. Thousands of American soldiers spent some time in Trieste between 1945 and 1954, and a few even gave their lives whilst serving there. The United States, moreover, was the key actor in posing a lasting resolution of the dispute. United States was drawn into the Trieste disagreement as a by-product of the more general process throughout which wartime intervention in Europe led to American entanglement in the Cold War with the Soviet Union. After 1945 American policymakers at all levels came to view the Trieste question in terms of broader Cold War objectives — especially with revere to Italy and Yugoslavia. In one sense American policy on this issue was conquered by fundamentally negative goals: preventing Yugoslav control of the city and thereby restraining communism on the southeastern border of Western Europe. Yet the American presence in Trieste also symbolized the positive declaration of the principle of self-determination in accord with a fundamental liberal internationalist ideology which predated the initiation of the Cold War. The story of the American experience in Trieste can be viewed on the whole as the conjuncture of two historical developments. The first of these was the persistence into the twentieth century of the Julian Region’s momentous function as a barometer of broader pressures in European international politics. After 1945 Trieste was not just a localized focal point of national and ideological conflict but also became a deliberately important point on the edge of an increasingly sharp dividing line between two opposing systems of global order. If Trieste had not been a piece of disputed ground on that demarcation line between East and West, there would have been little motive for a major American presence there (Rabel Roberto. 1984). The other applicable historical development was, certainly, the rise of the United States to global power and its enthusiasm to exercise that power to encourage a liberal, internationalist world order. Under Woodrow Wilson’s leadership the United States first sought to use its power to this end in Europe throughout and after World War I, but with little success. As the United States became entangled in a second European war in the 1940s, it acted much more vigorously to achieve its wartime and postwar objectives, even though several of the latter were indistinctly defined. On both occasions American policymaking was a direct result of more general American aims in Europe. Throughout World War II, however, there was an absolute gulf between Washington’s general postwar aims as proclaimed in the Atlantic Charter and its efforts at developing a feasible policy mechanism to accomplish them in the Julian Region. American wartime policy toward the Julian dilemma was positively based on the hope of solving it according to Atlantic Charter principles, but policymakers in Washington failed to define the United States’ interests in the area and did not expect any significant postwar commitment there. Certainly, although American statesmen were concerned to avoid an armed clash with any of their allies, they made no pragmatic attempt to put up Yugoslav objections to Anglo-American plans for the occupation of the Julian Region. Until the crisis of May 1945 there was, quite purely, no coherent strategy for implementing American objectives in the Julian Region. When World War II ended Trieste was not yet a Cold War issue. It was throughout the crisis of May 1945 that an origin of Trieste as such first really began to take hold amongst leading policymakers in Washington. Winston Churchill and Alexander Kirk had long been urging that Anglo-American policy on the Julian Region be viewed as part of a broader anticommunist strategy, but their exhortations had not been observed by Roosevelt or the State Department. Certainly, the State Department had idealistically continued to assert its commitment to the policy of installing AMG throughout the Julian Region, as remaining cautious in practice and taking no practical steps to execute it. In the face of Yugoslav occupation of Trieste, the United States finally had to face the fact that its existing policy was vague and idealistic. Unable to rely on platitudes or to put off the issue for reasons of â€Å"military necessity,† policymakers in Washington chose to combat the Yugoslav occupation of Trieste in the name of liberal principles. State Department officials, of whom Joseph Grew was the most influential, now began to see the issue in terms of broader collective aggression. The new American president, Harry S Truman, appeared to coincide in their conclusion. However, the Americans did not wish to be too aggressive and were pleased to resolve the crisis with a working concession: the Yugoslavs withdrew from Trieste, while the United States and Britain inaudibly put aside their official policy of imposing AMG on the whole Julian Region. That outcome represented an accomplishment for the tacit spheres-of-influence approach to East-West relations which the Truman administration would take on in the immediate postwar period. In itself, Trieste was not an inner issue in the Cold War, and after the May crisis it had very little impact on the describing of the Cold War in general. It only came to prominence on occasions such as the discussions on the Italian peace treaty or the 1948 Italian elections, as the United States resurrected the issue for the opportunistic motivation of assuring a victory for the Christian Democrats. though not very important in itself, the Trieste case is of interest as an instance of the way in which Cold War politics unfolded in an area where the United States and the Soviet Union were not openly in confrontation. The deadlock between the powers that barred the establishment of the Free Territory of Trieste was a striking case of the way in which all kinds of issues were reduced to simplistic terms of direct East-West confrontation in the postwar world. For a time the predicament of Trieste became a small pawn in the great game of Cold War politics and, particularly, was locked into the more general American strategy of containment. Dispensable in the long run, pawns can nonetheless serve significant short-term functions. From the American perspective, Anglo-American control of Trieste was useful for numerous reasons: it prevented â€Å"communism† expanding into another part of Europe; it helped retain Italy as a stable member of the Western coalition; it justified an Anglo-American military presence in a potentially significant strategic point; it enabled the United States to appear as the champion of liberal principles; and, on the local level, it provided Trieste with an effectual and comparatively impartial administration. Whether laudable or self-serving, none of these American objectives was overtly related to the task of achieving a lasting, long-standing solution of the Trieste problem that Italy, Yugoslavia, and the Triestines could all believe. Ideally, the United States would have liked the return of the entire Free Territory of Trieste to Italy, but did not think that goal to merit the risk of an armed clash with the Yugoslavs. Short of that outcome, Washington usually viewed Trieste as a controllable issue and seemed ready to maintain a military presence there indefinitely. In Cold War terms there was little reason for importance in attempting to reach an eternal resolution of the dispute. After the Soviet-Yugoslav split of 1948, though, the advantages of retaining the status quo in Trieste gradually reduced. The United States now had a concern in keeping Tito out of the Soviet fold as well as sustaining the Italian government. In the past Italy’s Christian Democrats had productively played on American fears of Italian domestic instability to ensure a moderately pro-Italian line on Trieste, because Washington viewed Italy as a Cold War ally while Yugoslavia seemed a stalwart member of the Soviet bloc. Once Yugoslavia’s international status became more indefinite, Belgrade was in a position to play a similar game. The United States found itself in a perturbed situation where, because of past commitments, it lacked the autonomy to maneuver it would have liked on the Trieste issue. It is hard to assess the success of United States policy in Trieste from World War II to 1954 as that policy was often unclear in its explicit objectives. Yet there can be little doubt that American intervention â€Å"saved† Trieste for Italy — and, therefore, for the West (Kardelj Edvard. 1953). The American existence served as a stabilizing force in the area and assisted demonstrates the strength of the American commitment to Western Europe (and to the containment of communism on its borders). On the local level it helped make certain relatively impartial and efficient direction of the area until a permanent settlement could be agreed upon. Though the American stay in Trieste was needlessly prolonged, by 1954 the United States had determined the problem enduringly and at a minor cost. In Cold War terms American policy in Trieste might be termed a restrained success. That success did not essentially attest to the perspicacity of American Cold War policy in general but was in large measure due to circumstances unusual to the Trieste case. The United States would certainly not be generally as successful in the Cold War. Negotiations had been followed intimately in Washington from the moment Trieste was liberated. Certainly, the week or so during which Alexander sought a contract with Tito was a critical period in the development of American policy toward the problem. Throughout this time some American policymakers came to view the Trieste situation as an instance of totalitarian hostility and demanded firm opposition to it. The course of American policy after 10 May is particularly noteworthy in view of the mood in Washington throughout the final days of the military â€Å"race† for Trieste. Despite Kirk’s stress on the political necessity of establishing AMG in as much of the Julian Region as probable, Stimson’s caution had originally prevailed. Officials in Washington had seemed to recognize that perhaps only Alexander’s operational requirements could be met. Grew had even notified Kirk on 1 May that, if the Yugoslavs opposed the expansion of AMG, â€Å"we cannot consider the use of American troops to enforce this policy† (Harris, 1957). This apparent refutation of the State Department’s own policy stemmed largely from the fear of unsafe clashes with the Yugoslavs if they controlled the majority of the Julian Region. Trieste’s liberation on 2 May had complicated the state of affairs insofar as an armed clash was now possible even in satisfying Alexander’s minimum operational requirements. Officials in Washington continued to retort cautiously, recognizing that direct contact between the two armies at Trieste could be more volatile than the contingencies hitherto foreseen. The War Department advised stoutly against risking an armed clash, and Stimson repeated to grow his usual line that â€Å"the American people would not continue our getting entangled in the Balkan s.† Stimson believed that the problem was â€Å"another case of these younger men, the subordinates in the State Department, doing dangerous things.†(Coles Harry L., and Albert K, 1964) Grew was unrevealing, but the State Department risked no major initiatives as Alexander negotiated with Tito. Even with a crisis intimidating and Anglo-American control of Trieste itself uncertain, the State Department did not eagerly abandon its unrealistic AMG policy. While Alexander tried to safe a working compromise, Kirk continually warned his superiors in Washington of radical consequences in Italy if the original AMG strategy were set aside. The Italian government also dissents to the Americans, urging total AMG control of the Julian Region as promised. State Department officials were not adamant to these arguments. H. Freeman Matthews, Director of the Office of European Affairs, told Grew on 2 May that â€Å"when it becomes overtly known that Tito’s forces are assuming control in that area we might expect serious outbursts both in Italy and on the part of our large and significant Italian-American population here.† Grew himself expressed similar views to the president, suggestive of those American troops might have to be used to keep order in northern Italy if Yugoslav occupation of the Julian Region endured. Some State Department officials would have favored to maintain the original AMG policy but their hands were tied by Stimson’s and Truman’s antagonism as well as by Alexander’s insistence on securing only necessary military requirements. The president’s reluctance to use armed force at last brought them face to face with the basic discrepancy of having a forcefully articulated policy but no pragmatic means of implementing it. There is evidence, additionally, that the State Department was not content simply to await the outcome of the Tito-Alexander negotiations. The department wished to confer with the Soviet Union in the hope that Moscow might influence the Yugoslavs to withdraw from the Julian Region. Such a hope was predicated on the supposition already evident among American policymakers — that Stalin could manage Tito. It was of a piece with Washington’s faith in the effectiveness of summit-level negotiations amongst the great powers as a means of neutralizing local conflicts, assuring inter-Allied harmony and, presumably, securing the achievement of Atlantic Charter principles. Both Matthews and Ambassador Patterson in Belgrade suggested sounding out the Soviets even though Moscow had not yet replied to the earlier notification of American intentions in the Julian Region. When Alexander’s negotiations with Belgrade broke down on 9 May, the basic basics of the State Department’s postwar policy on Trieste were in place (Clissold Stephen, 1975). They were in large measure a rational extension of wartime goals but they also accepted intimations of an emerging Cold War atmosphere. Trieste policy would be directed by three major concerns, to be given conflicting emphases at appropriate times. Trieste itself remained in limbo as negotiations were proceeding. It was not surprising that the abrupt aftermath of war would be accompanied by displacement and tension in a city which had been the center of intensely challenging ethnic, ideological and strategic interests. In this particular case those problems were aggravated by the fact that the Yugoslav and Anglo-American contingents, both of which were resistant after 2 May, were systematically intermingled and lacked clear explanation of their respective lines of authority and accountability. Trieste’s value as a pawn in the Cold War had been approximately eliminated. It gradually became obvious to American policymakers that the Trieste question was now merely a needless source of tension between an appreciated ally and a would-be opponent of the Soviet Union. Although it remained convenient, the prospective existed for an awkward crisis and the United States became increasingly keen to reach a compromise resolution. The pressures to be purge of this occasionally exasperating problem were heightened by the local unrest and the Italo-Yugoslav tensions of 1952. By then the expedition for a Trieste settlement had become an ever more annoying challenge to Washington’s skills in alliance management. as a result, even if Clare Boothe Luce had not taken a strong personal interest in the matter, the Eisenhower supervision would still have acted much as it did to make certain that a lasting settlement was reached in 1954 by initiating four-power negotiations and by using political and economic control on Italy and Yugoslavia to bring about a final conformity. It is notable that the United States ended its presence in Trieste simply after the area had lost all effectiveness as a Cold War pawn. The United States began to work in intense for a conclusive settlement of the Trieste question after 1949. Shifting American objectives in Italy and Yugoslavia had eliminated Trieste’s worth as an instrument of Cold War policy for the United States. By the early 1950s Italy had become decisively integrated into the Western camp and was a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), as Yugoslavia remained outside the Soviet bloc. The unresolved problem of the FTT’S future was thus an unnecessary source of tension between two countries the United States believed important. Trieste was clearly no longer a Cold War problem in the sense that it had been before the Soviet-Yugoslav break. American policymakers justifiably accomplished that it was pointless to retain indefinitely a military and economic binder which now held few strategic or political advantages for their country. The United States had played a key role in the â€Å"provisional† declaration of the Trieste dispute, which had proved so annoying for so many years. Speaking in New York after the signing of the London memo of understanding, Dulles recalled that â€Å"when I became secretary of state, I made a list of the more significant problems which needed to be resolved in the interests of world peace and security. Trieste was in the top bracket of that list.† Of course, the â€Å"top bracket† also integrated more pressing and weighty problems such as Korea, Berlin, Germany, and the EDC. Alongside these issues the situation in Trieste did not seem to demand instantaneous attention and appeared â€Å"manageable† (Bass Robert, and Elizabeth Marbury, 1959). The Eisenhower administration did not actually take meaningful action on its intention to resolve the Trieste problem until provoked to do so by the threat of local violence and Luce’s potent and melodramatic reports from Italy. Thereafter, however, the American government acted more dynamically. After several false starts the United States thriving in initiating the three-phase negotiating process to evade the domestic pressures which had prevented Italy and Yugoslavia from reaching a solution. It was the United States, moreover, which ensured the success of these talks by taking advantage of its political influence in both countries, supplement by the economic force that had become a characteristic instrument of its Cold War policies in Western Europe. American policymakers did not trail a Trieste settlement simply for its own sake. It is true that after 1949 Trieste itself was no longer a central point of direct confrontation between the Western and Soviet blocs. Certainly, it was this development which made a solution potential by removing the perceived need for an enduring Anglo-American presence in the area. The Trieste issue had thus become a specific predicament in Washington’s relations with Italy and Yugoslavia. However, as had been the case since 1945, the interests of the United States in Trieste on the broadest level were still expressed in terms of the Cold War. The only change was that the larger purposes of the United States in the Cold War were now given out by terminating its commitment in Trieste. Eisenhower’s own reaction to the decree of the Trieste dispute exemplified this more general concern: â€Å"Now the way was open for Italian participation in the Western European Union and for success in negotiations for defense bases. The Communist threat to Italy had been avoided, and that nation now trod on firmer ground. And the risk of an explosion had passed.† Dulles was even more liberal in describing the implications of the Trieste settlement in October 1954: â€Å"A grave cause of dissension and unrest has been removed, so that all of South Europe can breathe more easily. Primarily, a demonstration had been given of the capability of the nations which are free of Soviet domination to resolve differences which abate them and divert them from the greatest issue of our time.† In short, the abolition of the Trieste problem was significant for the Eisenhower administration as it removed a needless distraction in Italo-Yugoslav relations, enabling both nations to stand more efficiently alongside the United States in its global confrontation with the Soviet Union. In that sense the important role of the United States in ending the dispute in 1954 marked the consummation of its policy of approaching the Trieste issue as a part of a broader Cold War strategy. Examined from today’s perspective, over fifty years after its declaration, the Trieste dispute seems at first glance to be of little implication in that broader struggle. For the United States it had been just one of the many skirmishes in the Cold War that did not involve direct American-Soviet military confrontation. Yet the Cold War has been an extensive series of such skirmishes, and Soviet and American armies have not met in face-to-face fighting in the postwar era. Basic strategies can have been conceived and approved in Washington and Moscow, but the key points at issue often concerned areas such as Trieste and concerned third parties. Viewed from that perspective, the story of American involvement in the Trieste dispute from World War II to 1954 is certainly that of the Cold War in microcosm. References: Bass Robert, and Elizabeth Marbury, eds. â€Å"The Soviet-Yugoslav Controversy, 1948-58: A Documentary Record†. New York: Prospect Books, 1959. Black Gregory Dale. â€Å"The United States and Italy, 1943-1946: The Drift towards Containment†. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Kansas, 1973.   Clissold Stephen, ed. â€Å"Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, 1939-1973: A Documentary Survey†. London: Oxford University Press for the Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1975.   Coles Harry L. and Albert K. Weinberg. Civil Affairs: Soldiers Become Governors. Washington, D.C.: Office of the Chief of Military History, Department of the Army, 1964. Conrad Allison Alan. â€Å"Allied Military Government of Venezia Giulia and Trieste — Its History and Organization†. M.A. thesis, University of Maryland, 1956. Harris C. R. S. Allied Military Administration of Italy, 1943- 1945. London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1957. Heim Keith Merle. â€Å"Hope without Power: Truman and the Russians, 1945†. Ph.D. dissertation, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1973.   Kardelj Edvard. Trieste and Yugoslav-Italian Relations. New York: Yugoslav Information Center, 1953.   Kay Robin. â€Å"Official History of New Zealand in the Second World War, 1939-1945: Italy†, Vol. 2, From Cassino to Trieste. Wellington: Historical Publications Branch, Department of Internal Affairs, 1967. Lees Lorraine Mary. â€Å"American Foreign Policy towards Yugoslavia, 1941-1949†. Ph.D. dissertation, The Pennsylvania State University, 1976. Modisett Lawrence E. â€Å"The Four-Cornered Triangle: British and American Policy towards Yugoslavia, 1939-1945†. 2 vols. Ph.D. dissertation, Georgetown University, 1981. Rabel Roberto. â€Å"Between East and West: Trieste, the United States and the Cold War, 1943-1954†. Ph.D. dissertation, Duke University, 1984. Samuel Rosenman, ed., Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, vol.10 (1938-1950), 314.

Free Essays on Dolly Sods

The Effects of Human Influence on the Dolly Sods Wilderness Area In William Howard Taft’s 1909 inaugural address he said that, â€Å"The putting into force of laws which shall secure the conservation of our resources, as far as they may be within the jurisdiction of the Federal government, including the more important work of saving and restoring our forests and the great improvement of waterways, are all proper government functions which must involve large expenditure if properly performed.† And in line with its proper functioning, Congress passed the Wilderness Act in 1965, which helped protect 9 million acres of land. But almost all of this land was in the West, due to the lack of unspoiled wildlands in the East. So in 1975, Congress passed the Eastern Wilderness Areas Act, which brought protection to several rehabilitated wildlands. One of which being the Dolly Sods wilderness area in West Virginia, an area decimated by human influence in the early 20th and late 19th centuries, which is now being rehabilitated. Before decade s of logging, railroads, mortars, grazing, and fire, the Dolly Sods Wilderness was a majestic and lush forest supporting some of the finest red spruce in the world. Today the area, which has been clear-cut then burned to rock, is slowly recovering under the protection of the U.S. Forest Service. In 1746 Thomas Lewis was the first European to explore the Dolly Sods while doing a survey of Lord Fairfax’s Virginia estate. He found the forest in its virgin state and described it as almost impenetrable. It was covered at that time mostly by red spruce, but hemlocks balsam fir, sugar maple, American beech, black cherry, basswood and yellow birch also abounded. In certain areas there were thick patches of loral and rhododendron thickets. There were also many wet, marshy bogs where bluejoint grass grew several feet high. The forest floor was covered with a rich humus soil several feet thick that in many... Free Essays on Dolly Sods Free Essays on Dolly Sods The Effects of Human Influence on the Dolly Sods Wilderness Area In William Howard Taft’s 1909 inaugural address he said that, â€Å"The putting into force of laws which shall secure the conservation of our resources, as far as they may be within the jurisdiction of the Federal government, including the more important work of saving and restoring our forests and the great improvement of waterways, are all proper government functions which must involve large expenditure if properly performed.† And in line with its proper functioning, Congress passed the Wilderness Act in 1965, which helped protect 9 million acres of land. But almost all of this land was in the West, due to the lack of unspoiled wildlands in the East. So in 1975, Congress passed the Eastern Wilderness Areas Act, which brought protection to several rehabilitated wildlands. One of which being the Dolly Sods wilderness area in West Virginia, an area decimated by human influence in the early 20th and late 19th centuries, which is now being rehabilitated. Before decade s of logging, railroads, mortars, grazing, and fire, the Dolly Sods Wilderness was a majestic and lush forest supporting some of the finest red spruce in the world. Today the area, which has been clear-cut then burned to rock, is slowly recovering under the protection of the U.S. Forest Service. In 1746 Thomas Lewis was the first European to explore the Dolly Sods while doing a survey of Lord Fairfax’s Virginia estate. He found the forest in its virgin state and described it as almost impenetrable. It was covered at that time mostly by red spruce, but hemlocks balsam fir, sugar maple, American beech, black cherry, basswood and yellow birch also abounded. In certain areas there were thick patches of loral and rhododendron thickets. There were also many wet, marshy bogs where bluejoint grass grew several feet high. The forest floor was covered with a rich humus soil several feet thick that in many...

Analysis Of Ralph Ellison s Invisible Man Essay -- White people, Bl

In Battle Royal, the first chapter of Invisible Man, Ralph Ellison parallels the struggles of the protagonist to that of minorities in a post-slavery America. Ellison 's character is invited to deliver his graduation speech to a gathering high society white men and finds himself participating in a Battle Royal. Through deeply rooted, almost allegorical symbolism Ellison illustrates the protagonists journey toward self discovery and the â€Å"American dream† in a predominantly white powered society. Throughout this work the narrator/protagonist remains nameless. This namelessness serves to highlight the denial for a significant identity experienced by those who have suffered from the follies of racism. In Ellison 's Battle Royal the protagonist is blind to this racism, which defines him, and portrays himself, as the â€Å"black exception,† by asserting the standards and convictions imposed upon him as a means of achieving success. It is clear that the protagonist is affected by the convictions of those around him when he states that his grandfather 's words of wisdom â€Å"had a tremendous effect upon† him. His blatant naivety and gullibility are foreshadowed as he feels â€Å"guilty and uncomfortable... whenever things [go] well for† him, as if he â€Å"[is] carrying out his [grandfather 's] advice in spite of [himself].† In this particular passage Ellison shows the reader that by being affected by his grandfather 's curse the protagonist subconsciously accepts his grandfathers challenge of achieving success through playing the part of a â€Å"traitor† and a â€Å"spy in enemy territory.† The grandfather 's last words imply that what the protagonist is doing is treacherous and hs act, his speech. With the"thunderous applause" received from the oration of his speech, the protagonist is willingly mislead "in the right direction... of the the destiny of [his] people." Th is allows for the protagonist to maintain the mindset of false superiority. The protagonist mistakingly views himself as a privileged black man causing the hinderance of his journey to self-discovery. The characters surrounding the protagonist are constant reminders of the narrator 's lack of authority on the path of his future. Ellison illustrates this point to highlight that blacks who strive to achieve success or the American Dream through their own terms will only propel themselves farther into the follies of invisibility. In order for the veil to be lifted from the eyes of the blind, men must band together and the fight the powers that may be instead of each other.

Small business Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Small business - Assignment Example Did you use a survey/questionnaire? If so, you may like to attach a copy of your survey/questionnaire to the back of this plan.] 11 Market targets[Outline your planned sales targets. What quantity of your products/services do you plan to sell in a planned timeframe? Are they monthly or yearly targets?] 11 Environmental/industry analysis[Detail the results of the market research you have performed. Is the area experiencing population growth? Are there long-term employers in the area? Is the region's economy stable? Are there seasonal variations? 11 Your customers 11 S.W.O.T. analysis[List each of your businesses strengths, weaknesses, opportunities or threats in the table below and then outline how you plan to address each of the weaknesses/threats.] 11 Your competitors[How do you rate against your competitors? How can your business improve on what they offer?] 11 Advertising & sales 12 Vision statement[What is your business' vision statement? It should briefly outline your future pla n for the business and include your overall goals.] 13 Mission statement[What is your business' mission statement? I.e. how will you achieve your vision?] 13 Goals/objectives[What are your short & long term goals? What activities will you undertake to meet them?] 13 Action plan 13 Key objectives & financial review 13 Supporting documentation 13 Business Plan Summary The Business Business name: [Amdrros Restaurant Ltd.] Business structure: [company.] ABN: [xxxx.] ACN: [xxxx] Business location: [Canberra] Date established: [2 February 2013] Business owner(s): [Roz, Joan, Job, Maxwell, Michelle, Joseph, Bob, Joel] Relevant owner experience: [2 Years experience in Food and beverage industry] Products/services: [Fast foods and beverages such as coffee and soft drinks. The anticipated demand in 5 years to reach sales of $500,000 in 3 years] The Market Target market: The target market consists of tourists, working class and students. These customers would want to buy from use because we pr ovide a unique combination of well-priced Fast food, with an amusing ambiance Marketing strategy: We shall rely on variety of marketing programs to promote our business. These include word of mouth/in-Store Marketing, table tents, wall posters, and V.I.P. party, in-store tour given to every new customer, grand opening celebration, outdoor marquee message changed weekly, and annual birthday parties. In addition, we shall have the local store marketing, which will include local charity, car wash site, school programs such as perfect attendance and honor roll, and free T-shirts to guests that line dance with us. The local media will also be a very important marketing channel. This includes direct mail piece, containing interior pictures of our restaurant, our prices and an explanation of our concept. The other aspect is radio campaign, which will be complete with live remotes on our parking lot. We shall also pick the three top local stations with which to place our short and catchy ad s, in addition